Authors : Dr. Christos Anagnostopoulos and Dr. Mahfoud Amara*
The hosting of the FIFA World Cup 2022 has certainly been a monumental achievement by the State of Qatar. Not only has it brought the country more international exposure and helped it reap the potential economic benefits, but it offered the world a window onto Qatar’s identity, culture, and heritage. Like other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Qatar has and continues to undergo rapid change, which is reflected in its urban development, demographic trends, levels of education, and generally the visible effect of globalization on the local culture.
The Qatari state, like other Arab and Muslim countries, is working toward striking the right balance between integrating the conditions of modernization while preserving local authentic culture. This demands, on the one hand, being open to liberalization and the global means of consumption and communication, while maintaining social cohesion and traditional values, on the other. Changes in Qatar’s urban landscape and planning are a testimony to the perceived duality between tradition and modernity.
One could argue that the sporting context offers more opportunities to reconcile unity and diversity. This is symbolized by the national football team, made up of Qataris and naturalized players, who are the product and legacy of the Qatari national strategy for sports development, which has included the establishment of the internationally recognized national sports academy, Aspire Academy. The success of the multi-ethnic and multi-racial national team in the 2019 Asian Football Cup of Nations, in a time of adversity (and external threat), came at the right moment to strengthen the importance of cultural diversity and the contribution of both citizens and residents in the developmental project of Qatar and its resilience as a nation.
Indeed, sport as a form of cultural and artistic expression is at the core of Qatar’s cultural project and diplomacy. Two important spaces to display Qatari culture are the stadium architecture and the official logo.
Logos, whether for corporate organizations, institutions, sporting clubs, or sports events, are not developed in a vacuum. They usually give an identity to the logo holders by symbolizing their mission and values. When logos are developed, great care is taken to ensure they reflect the culture, tradition, and values associated with the sports tournament. In this sense, logos are brands that become easily recognizable and reflect the identity of those associated with them. In this sense, logos, like national flags, become a vehicle of “inclusion” reflecting the emotional attachment to a particular notion of togetherness and belonging. The logo for Qatar’s FIFA World Cup 2022 is no different. It was cautiously designed and crafted to make sure it reflected the Qatari culture and its launch was carefully choreographed to mark its symbolism.
On September 3, 2019, the long-awaited logo of the 2022 FIFA World Cup was launched. At 20:22 or 08:22 PM local time, (17:22 GMT), the most iconic and historical buildings in Qatar were covered with this logo. At the same time, the logo was unveiled in at least 24 cities around the world, such as London, Seoul, Mexico City, and Johannesburg, to name just a few. The date, September 3, represents the day Qatar formally achieved its independence from Britain. This was yet another opportunity for Qatar to show the world that, less than five decades after becoming an independent state, it has become the focus of the world’s attention.
Whilst featuring elements of local Arab culture, its football references have an international dimension, connecting the whole world. The logo preserves the iconic shape of the FIFA World Cup trophy. Its swooping curves represent the waves of the desert dunes, which is one of the first things associated with the Arabian Peninsula. The emblem’s form is inspired by the woolen shawl traditionally worn during the winter months. The reference to winter was inspired by the fact that Qatar is hosting the first-ever winter World Cup. The typography shows Arabic inscriptions coalescing tradition and modernity.
The logo is not the only medium by which Qataris have displayed their cultural heritage. The eight World Cup stadiums are another tool.
They were either built specifically for the event or have undergone extensive refurbishment (e.g., Khalifa International Stadium). Designed by some of the best architects in the world, such as the celebrated late Iraqi architect, Zaha Hadid, these venues are destined to leave a long-lasting impression. Beyond the design and the incorporated technology, the stadiums have been made to reflect the local identity and culture as well as Qatar’s ambition as a nation.
The story told by the stadiums
Four exemplary cases are worth mentioning. The architecture of the first stadium, Al Thumama, is another representation of the region’s history, culture, and identity. The stadium is built in the shape of a gahfiya: a traditional knitted white cap worn by males across the Arab Peninsula but also throughout the Muslim world.
The second, Al Janoub Stadium, is another monument that bridges Qatar’s history and its future aspirations. Designed by Zaha Hadid, it is shaped like the traditional dhow boats, which have, until very recently, been the cornerstone of the region’s economy: fishing and pearl diving. Not only does the dhow boat represent the past, but it also represents Qatar’s motivation and ambition to reach beyond its shores. The third of the stadiums is Al Bayt, inspired by the bayt al sha’ar (house of hair or lint), used by nomadic Bedouin people in the desert and which reflects Qatari hospitality. Keeping with the spirit of the Bedouin traditions, the arena will, like a nomad’s tent, “move” – with parts of it reconfigured – after the tournament. The fourth is the purpose-built 974 Stadium. Constructed from modular building blocks including shipping containers on the shore of the Gulf in the Corniche area, the 40,000-capacity venue will go down in FIFA World Cup™ history as the first fully dismountable and reusable tournament venue.
As visitors, and those who followed the tournament from afar, were introduced to Qatari culture, they also witnessed what can be termed “a balancing act” between tradition and modernity.
*Dr. Mahfoud Amara, a contributing author to the book, is Associate Professor in Sport Social Sciences and Management at the College of Education, Qatar University. Dr. Amara has a specific interest in sport business, culture, and politics in Arab and Muslim contexts.
The Turkish-Syrian reconciliation process under Russian mediation as a saga of betrayal and vengeance
Dr. Christos Anagnostopoulos is Assistant Professor in Sport Management at the College of Science and Engineering, at Hamad Bin Khalifa University (HBKU), Qatar, and the UNESCO Co-Chair holder and Director of the Chair on Governance & Social Responsibility in Sport at UCLan, Cyprus.
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The curtain is coming down on the brutal 11-year old Syrian conflict, which former US President and Nobel Laureate Barack Obama initiated, as the Arab Spring swept through West Asia two decades ago. The United States has suffered yet another big setback in West Asia as the year 2022 draws to a close. The unfolding Turkish-Syrian reconciliation process under Russian mediation is to be seen as a saga of betrayal and vengeance, – writes Indian Ambassador and prominent international observer M.K. Bhadrakumar.
Ankara came under immense pressure from the Obama Administration in 2011 to spearhead the regime change project in Syria. But Ankara took its time to calibrate its foreign policies to adapt to the Arab Spring before responding to the shifting landscape in Syria. Erdogan was caught unprepared by the uprising in Syria at a juncture when Ankara was pursuing a “zero-problems” policy with Turkiye’s neighbours.
Syria was the ultimate test case and a real challenge for Erdogan. Ankara had invested heavily in the improvement of relations with Syria within the framework of the so-called Adana Agreement in 1998 in the downstream of Turkish military’s massive showdown with Damascus over the latter harbouring the PKK [Kurdish] leader Ocalan. Erdogan initially did not want Bashar al-Assad to lose power, and advised him to reform.
Obama had to depute then CIA chief David Petraeus to visit Turkey twice in 2012 to persuade Erdogan to engage with the US in operational planning aimed at bringing about the end of the Assad government. It was Petraeus who proposed to Ankara a covert program of arming and training Syrian rebels.
But by 2013 already, Erdogan began sensing that Obama himself had only a limited American involvement in Syria and preferred to ‘lead from the rear’. Simply put, Erdogan felt embittered that he was left holding a can of worms and Obama had scooted off. Worse still, the Pentagon began aligning with the Syrian Kurdish groups linked to the PKK
Indeed, since then, Erdogan had been protesting in vain that the US, a NATO ally, had aligned with a terrorist group (Syrian Kurds known as YPG) that threatened Turkiye’s sovereignty and territorial integrity.
It is against such a backdrop that the two resent meetings in Moscow between the defence ministers and intelligence chiefs of Turkey and Syria in the presence of their Russian counterparts took place.
Erdogan’s reconciliation process with Assad is quintessentially his sweet revenge for the American betrayal. Erdogan sought help from Russia, the archetypal enemy country in the US and NATO’s sights, in order to communicate with Assad who is a pariah in American eyes.
Turkish Defence Minister Hulusi Akar said: “At the meeting (in Moscow), we discussed what we could do to improve the situation in Syria and the region as soon as possible while ensuring peace, tranquility and stability… We reiterated our respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty rights of all our neighbours, especially Syria and Iraq, and that our sole aim is the fight against terrorism, we have no other purpose.”
Without doubt, the normalisation between Ankara and Damascus will impact regional security and, in particular, the Syrian war, given the clout Turkiye wields with the residual Syrian opposition. A Turkish ground operation in northern Syria may not be necessary if Ankara and Damascus were to revive the Adana Agreement. In fact, Akar disclosed that Ankara, Moscow and Damascus are working on carrying out joint missions on the ground in Syria.
From the Syrian perspective, the normalisation with Turkiye is going to be far more consequential than the restoration of ties with various regional states (starting with the UAE) in the recent years who had fuelled the conflict. Turkiye’s equations with Syrian militant groups (eg., Syrian National Army and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham), its continued occupation of Syrian territory, Syrian refugees in Turkiye (numbering 3.6 million), etc. are vital issues affecting Syria’s security.
The US resents Erdogan’s move to normalise with Assad — and that too, with Russia’s helping hand. It is now even more unlikely to give up its military presence in Syria or its alliance with the Syrian Kurdish group YPG (which Ankara regards as an affiliate of the PKK.) Indeed, the replacement of the YPG militia by the Syrian government forces along the borders with Turkiye would lead to the weakening of both YPG and the US military presence. However, the question will still remain unanswered as regards the place of Kurds in the future of Syria.
Last week’s meetings in Moscow show that Russia’s standing in the West Asian region is far from defined by the Ukraine conflict. Russian influence on Syria remains intact and Moscow will continue to shape Syria’s transition out of conflict zone and consolidate its own long-term presence in Eastern Mediterranean.
One-upmanship in Middle Eastern sports just wretched up a notch as superstar Cristiano Ronaldo joins state-owned Saudi football club Al Nassr FC for reportedly a whopping US$241 million over 2.5 years.
Mr. Ronaldo’s transfer, involving the biggest football salary in history, beats Qatar-owned Paris St. Germain’s acquisition in 2017 of Brazilian player Neymar for US$200 million, at the time the world’s most expensive transfer.
The timing of Mr. Neymar’s transfer was significant. It demonstrated Qatar’s resilience at a moment when Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates spearheaded a failed diplomatic and economic boycott of the Gulf state in a bid to force it to align its foreign and media policies with those of its main distractors.
Contrary to perceptions, Mr. Ronaldo’s move is about more than distracting from Saudi Arabia’s abominable human rights record. Human rights are just one of the kingdom’s reputational problems, even if they are what attracts the most attention.
Saudi Arabia seeks to alter an image entrenched over seven decades of a secretive kingdom that used its oil wealth to globally promote an ultra-conservative, supremacist, and intolerant interpretation of Islam.
In a bid to take Saudi Arabia into the 21st century, diversify its economy, cater to the aspirations of a young population, and create building blocks for the survival of his regime, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, has introduced significant social and economic reforms while tightening the political leash.
Mr. Ronaldo contributes to that, even if he, at 37, is near the end of his playing career. Sports, particularly soccer, the most popular form of entertainment, is a pillar of Mr. Bin Salman’s Vision 2030 reform plan.
It boosts sports as part of the development of a modern entertainment industry in a country in which that was non-existent before the crown prince’s rise in 2015, and it contributes to a public health policy in which exercise and sports play a key role.
Mr. Ronaldo also enhances Mr. Bin Salman’s effort to replace smaller Gulf states, like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, as the hub for anything and everything in the Gulf, whether it’s sports or the regional seat of foreign multinationals and corporations.
To achieve his goal, Mr. Bin Salman needs to project Saudi Arabia as a modern, internationally competitive nation with a national rather than a religious identity. Boosted by Mr. Ronaldo’s stardom, soccer, a sport that evokes tribal-like loyalties and nationalist passions, is a perfect tool to accomplish that.
In addition, Mr. Ronaldo’s usefulness to Mr. Bin Salman will likely outlive the aging player’s footballing career.
For the rest of this decade, he will likely be what David Beckham was to the Qatar World Cup, an ambassador for Saudi Arabia’s joint bid with Egypt and Greece for the hosting rights of the 2030 tournament, particularly if the bid is successful.
Mr. Ronaldo’s move to Al Nassr could be an initial step in a more bold effort to position Saudi Arabia at the core of Middle Eastern sports.
As sports journalist John Duerden suggests, a next step could involve carving out of the Asian and African football confederations a separate regional Arab association as the newest constituent element of world soccer body FIFA.
Twelve of the Asian Football Federations’s (AFC) 47 member associations are Arab, and so are seven North African affiliates of the Confederation of African Football’s (CAF) 54 members. The AFC counting does not include non-Arab Iran and Israel, which was expelled in 1974 and is part of UEFA, FIFA’s European leg.
Creating an Arab association would have a greater chance of success than Saudi Arabia’s failed attempt in 2018 to form an organisation of Southwest Asian football associations that would have included Arabs and South Asians.
However, with Gulf states, this decade dominating the hosting of top competitions and Saudi Arabia seeking to squeeze out Qatar and the UAE as regional sports hubs, the thought of an Arab football federation that secedes from the AFC and CAF is not far-fetched.
Next month, Morocco will host the FIFA Club World Cup. Qatar will host the Asian Cup a bit later in 2023. Saudi Arabia is certain to host the 2027 Cup.
Doha is back in the picture as home to the 2030 Asian Games; in 2034, it’s Riyadh’s turn.
Saudi Arabia and Egypt are considered FIFA favourites for the 2030 World Cup, and a Moroccan pitch is possible. Moreover, Saudi Arabia is bidding for the 2026 Women’s Asian Cup.
On the scale of the World Cup, Qatar and Saudi Arabia are separately considering bids for the 2036 Olympics but could join forces. Likewise, Egypt and Turkey are mulling their separate candidacies.
Add to that Manchester United’s talks with Saudi and Qatari investors in a city whose other major club, Manchester City, is owned by the UAE.
Saudi sports minister Abdulaziz bin Turki Al Faisal said he would support a Saudi private-sector acquisition of Manchester United. The Saudi state is precluded from buying a second Premier League club after its sovereign wealth fund purchased Newcastle United.
In an interview with BBC sports, Mr. Al Faisal argued that his country’s sports strategy was producing results.
Mr. Ronaldo “would benefit the league, the sports eco-system in Saudi and will inspire the youth for the future. The numbers don’t lie – when you look at participation in boxing, from six gyms in 2018 to 57 gyms today. A 300% participation increase, 60% are women, which was a shock for us. When you see appetite from the youth, men, and women, they learned from it,” Mr. Al Faisal said.
Today, the online news platforms and independent journalists play a key role in reaching alternative sources of information particularly in the societies where the media actors have been subjected to various forms of censorship. Online censorship has been a problem in Turkey but thankfully people still can have an idea about what is not covered in mass media through social media.
Freelance journalist İbrahim Haskoloğlu (26) is one of the journalists whom I follow on Twitter and Telegram. He also regularly makes live broadcasts on his Twitch platform. A few months ago İbrahim Haskoloğlu stayed in prison for more than a week for allegedly “unlawfully obtaining personal information” after he declared that hackers had stolen personal information from government websites. Haskoloğlu had shared some information, including what is said to belong to President Erdoğan’s ID info and head of National Intelligence Unit (MIT) Hakan Fidan’s ID info. In early this month, an indictment against journalist Ibrahim Haskoloğlu was prepared with a sentence of up to 12 years in prison.
I think Haskoloğlu’s announcement he made on Twitter in April saying that a hacker group had stolen data from government-owned sites has been one of the most critical developments for Turkey that happened in 2022. Having made a short overview about Haskoloğlu and his case, I would like to provide a few pieces of crucial news I gathered from Haskoloğlu’s Twitter posts before 2022 ends and here they are:
1-The retirement pension paid in Turkey in the last decade:
2- Tweet: President Erdoğan mistakenly appointed the rector, who should have been appointed to Kahramanmaraş Istiklal University, to Sütçü İmam University.
3-Tweet: In the last local elections, 13000 Syrians voted. Now their numbers have increased by 85%.
If these birth rates and the speed of granting citizenship continue, the number of deputies will also change.
— Lütfi Savaş, Mayor of Hatay Metropolitan Municipality
4-Tweet: | Turkish Court Sentences Opposition Istanbul Mayor Imamoglu to 2 Years 7 Months In Jail.
Social media platforms like Twitter not only let us learn what is not shared on mainstream mass media which is of dominantly a pro-government nature but it also helps the society build some sort of social awareness in critical issues and trigger judiciary mechanism as well. I hope the year 2023 can host a more free and just society for every single human-being. The above-noted tweets are not the kind of posts we would like to see in 2023!
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